- Trump is nominating GOP Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer to be his Secretary of Labor.
- She’s a political moderate who’s backed a pro-union bill that many Republicans don’t like.
- That’s earned her some initial praise from Democratic senators — and skepticism from the right.
As President-elect Donald Trump builds out his prospective cabinet, one nominee has emerged as a potential favorite of Democrats — and a headache for Republicans.
Trump announced last month that he’s nominating Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer, a first-term Republican who just lost a tough reelection fight in a Democratic-leaning Oregon district, to serve as his Secretary of Labor.
Unlike most Republicans, she’s positioned herself as an ally of labor unions, has co-sponsored major Democratic pro-union bills, and has earned the backing of some prominent labor leaders ahead of her Senate confirmation battle next year.
“Oftentimes, you’ll get a nominee out of a Republican administration who has had an anti-labor record,” said Democratic Sen. Tim Kaine of Virginia. “Her track record would suggest she could be a good advocate.”
Chavez-DeRemer is one of just three House Republicans who’ve cosponsored the PRO Act, a sweeping piece of legislation that would override state-level “right-to-work” laws that Republicans have long supported while strengthening workers’ ability to form unions. She was also one of just eight House Republicans to cosponsor a separate bill that would guarantee public-sector employees the right to organize.
“I’ve only heard good things,” said Democratic Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania. “She’s a supporter of the PRO Act, and that’s like the holy grail of labor.”
Several Democratic senators have offered conditional praise for Chavez-DeRemer, indicating that they’re willing to support her nomination if she commits to strengthening labor unions in her new position.
Meanwhile, many Republicans are declining to weigh in on her support for pro-labor legislation, saying they’d like to meet with her first. But a handful of them, particularly those who are more supportive of right-to-work laws, have publicly expressed reservations about her.
Sen. Bill Cassidy, the top Republican on the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, wrote on X that he needed a “better understanding of her support for Democrat legislation in Congress that would strip Louisiana’s ability to be a right to work state, and if that will be her position going forward.”
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“I don’t know her, don’t really know much about her record, other than what I’ve read,” said Republican Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin. “Some of those things she supports would give me some concern.”
A spokesperson for Chavez-DeRemer told BI that she would reserve comment on her nomination out of respect for the confirmation process, but that she looks forward to advancing the Trump administration’s policies.
An ‘early test’ of the GOP’s relationship with labor under Trump
Chavez-DeRemer’s nomination comes as the GOP’s relationship with labor has begun to shifted, with self-styled populists like Sens. JD Vance of Ohio and Josh Hawley of Missouri pushing for the party to take a more worker-friendly approach than it has before. And in recent years, organized labor and labor unions have enjoyed a bipartisan resurgence of support.
Fetterman argued that it was “smart” for Trump to nominate Chavez-DeRemer, given the drift of union voters into the GOP in recent elections. “I think that means that he’s making a move to continue to grab even more votes out of the unions,” said Fetterman.
But Chavez-DeRemer won’t have singular power of labor policy in America, and Trump’s appointees to the National Labor Relations Board will likely be especially consequential for workers and organized labor.
Biden’s NLRB — which weighs in on labor-related cases and can investigate different labor disputes — has, among other labor-friendly moves, ruled that captive audience meetings are unlawful and set new precedents making it easier for workers to organize.
By contrast, Trump’s NLRB took steps that ultimately weakened workers’ organizing ability, including curtailing organizers’s abilities to leaflet at employers’ property and restricting areas where union organizers could be.
“Donald Trump has not exactly been an ally of working families and and labor. So if she’s confirmed, we’ll see how she does,” said Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden, who said he wanted to make sure his fellow Oregonian got a “fair shake” in her confirmation hearings. “I’ll be listening closely to her testimony.”
In a statement offering conditional praise for Chavez-DeRemer, Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts argued that Chavez-DeRemer’s nomination offers an “early test” of whether Trump will “stand strong with workers or bow down to his corporate donors and the Republican establishment’s opposition.”
“If Republican Senators block Trump’s labor nominee for standing with unions, it will show that the party’s support for workers is all talk,” said Warren.
Hawley, who supports Chavez-DeRemer’s nomination, said that her confirmation will indeed be a “test of whether or not the party is going to follow this president on his agenda for labor and for workers.”
For now, many Republicans appear to be in wait-and-see mode — and a GOP desire to show party unity could help keep Republican support from cratering.
“My bias is supporting President Trump in staffing his administration with the people he wants around him,” said Johnson.
“I don’t support the PRO Act. I think the PRO Act is not good policy,” said Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas. “But I’ll assess every nominee on the merits.”
